The
Model Code of Conduct (MCC) evolved from basic guidelines in state elections to
a comprehensive framework ensuring fair play in India's national polls. Its
development reflects the Election Commission of India's (ECI) efforts to
counter electoral malpractices amid growing political competition.
Origins
in Kerala (1960)
The
MCC traces its roots to the 1960 Kerala Legislative Assembly elections, where
state authorities issued the first set of "Dos and Don'ts" for
candidates and parties. This informal code aimed to regulate campaign conduct,
prevent violence, and promote orderly polling in a region prone to communal
tensions.
National
Adoption (1962)
The
ECI elevated the Kerala model during the 1962 Lok Sabha and state assembly
elections by circulating it to all recognized political parties and state
governments. Parties voluntarily accepted it, marking the code's nationwide
debut to secure free and fair elections across diverse regions.
Expansion
in the 1960s
By
1967, more states like Madras (now Tamil Nadu), West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh,
and Kerala formally adopted variants after party conferences. The ECI held
state-level meetings to propagate the code. In 1968-69 midterm polls, it issued
"Role and Responsibilities of Political Parties during Elections,"
appealing for minimum behavioral standards.
Consolidation
and Revisions (1970s)
A
revised MCC was released on January 1, 1974, ahead of 1974 state assembly and
1977 Lok Sabha elections. District-level committees under Collectors monitored
compliance. However, ruling parties often flouted it, prompting the ECI in 1979
to add "Parties in Power" guidelines at a national party conference,
restricting official machinery misuse.
Push
for Statutory Backing (1980s)
Violations persisted due to the code's non-binding nature. In 1980, the ECI proposed statutorily incorporating Part VII (Parties in Power), but governments delayed action. The code remained advisory, enforced via moral suasion.
Turning
Point: T.N. Seshan Era (1991)
The
1991 general elections under Chief Election Commissioner T.N. Seshan
transformed the MCC. He reissued a consolidated version with stricter Part VII
provisions, aggressively directing states to comply—using Article 324 powers
for transfers, poll delays, and advisories. This proactive stance made the MCC
a potent tool, boosting ECI's credibility.
Judicial
Recognition (2001)
In
Union of India vs. Harbans Singh Jalal (2001), the Supreme Court ruled the MCC
activates upon ECI's election announcement press release, not just the formal
notification. This settled timing disputes and affirmed its enforceability
under constitutional superintendence.
Modern
Refinements (Post-2000)
Post-1991,
the ECI amplified the code iteratively:
s
2001 Agreement: Consensus with center/state
governments on ECI directives, limiting pre-poll announcements to three years
prior.
s
2010s Updates: Added social media rules, exit poll
bans, and manifesto guidelines (avoiding freebie promises per 2013 Supreme
Court order in S. Subramaniam Balaji case).
s
2020s Enhancements: Digital monitoring via apps; paid news
curbs; star campaigner limits.
By 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the MCC spanned eight parts, covering general conduct to manifestos, with real-time enforcement tools.
Significance
of Evolution
From
Kerala's ad hoc list to a robust, court-backed instrument, the MCC's journey
addressed money-muscle power, ruling party advantages, and digital threats.
Though non-statutory, ECI's bold interpretations pioneered by Seshan elevated
it to de facto law, enabling actions like campaign bans.

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